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Vice-President K R Narayan at Fudan University, shanghai OCTOBER 27, 1994
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I am honored, Mr.
President, by your kind invitation to speak at the Fudan University. This
is one of the premier academic centres of China with which my country has
had very close relations. India’s links with the east coast of China go
bade into history. It was the major route for trade and travel between our
two countries across the seas. It was from these shores that Admiral Zheng
He set sail in the fifteenth century on his epic voyages and visited my
native state of Kerala on the west coast of India years before the
Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama landed at Calicut. Standing
before this illustrious audience today my mind goes back to the early days
of creative interaction and exchange of ideas between our two ancient
civilizations. Referring to the spread of Buddhism it has been said that
in those days China was, probably, more influenced by India than India by
China, which according to Jawaharlal Nehru, was “a pity because India
could have well received with profit to herself, some of the sound common
sense of the Chinese, and with its aid checked her own extravagant
fancies.” As a matter of fact it was not a case of one-way cultural
traffic. India also got several new ideas from China and also certain
products like silk, sugar and tea which were in a real sense “seeds of
change” which transformed the Habits and living styles of people all
over the world as profoundly as religious and philosophical ideas. Besides
it must be remembered that Buddhism itself got assimilated and signified
making it almost indistinguishable in the Chinese cultural milieu. As
Tagore said: “The truth, we received when your pilgrims came to us in
India and ours to you - that is not lost even now.’ It is thus that we
can still appreciate the role played by the great pilgrim-scholars like Fa
Xian, Xuan Zang, Kumarajiva, and bodhidharma in the cultural
cross-fertilization between India and China. One
significant feature of the encounter between Indian and Chinese cultures
was that it was not a merely bilateral process but one that encompassed
almost the whole of Asia, especially South East Asia. It was an encounter
which did not result in a cultural clash but in peaceful coexistence and a
degree of interpenetration. Of India Tagore once asserted that “here in
India history is trying out a ceaseless experiment of uniting humanity
together... We can refuse none, we shall accept all, even those who might
have come to over-run and conquer us”. May I here point out a historical
fact. Except for the upheaval following the partition of India, an
upheaval that was tragic but transient, and occasional communal clashes
here and there, millions of people belonging to different faiths, racial
origins and speaking different languages live, by and large, peacefully
and harmoniously in our vast country. There has never been in the long
history of India any religious wars like the Crusades and the Thirty Years
War as in European history. So have India and China lived in peace and
good neighbourliness for thousands of years except for a very brief but
unfortunate unnecessary conflict in the recent past. I
have recalled ancient history in the spirit of the Chinese saying “Use
the past for the present”. Before our independence Nehru once said that
the friendship between India and China was “very precious to us, not
only because of the thousands of Golden links that have bound us in the
past, but of the future that beckons to both of us’. And after
independence he remarked that we were harking back to our old friendship
in order to promote understanding between the two countries helped “by
the wisdom of the past”. During
the long, dark night of colonialism India and China were separated from
each other. But the leaders of India’s freedom movement and China’s
liberation struggle reached out to each other across the colonial barrier.
The first significant contact between the representatives of the Indian
and Chinese nationalist movements was when Jawaharlal Nehru met the
members of the Chinese delegation at the Congress of the League Against
imperialism at Brusseis in 1927. Nehru was impressed with the Chinese
delegates and wrote: “I was led regrettably to wish that we India might
also develop some of their energy and driving force at the expense, if
need be, of some of our intellectuality.” At Bruseels the two
delegations issued a joint declaration. From Brussels Nehru had urged the
Indian National Congress to start a strong agitation in support of
China’s struggle and also for the withdrawal of Indian troops the
British had sent to China. The
mass rallies and agitations conducted in India for the Chinese cause had
reached the ears of the Eight Route Army. In the 1930s there was some
exchange of correspondence between Nehru and Mao Zedong and Marshal Zhu
De. There was a letter dated November 26, 1937 from Zhu De to Nehru
thanking India “in the name of the Chinese people and in the name of the
Eight Route Army in particular” for the mass ralies held in India in
support of China which was promptly organised by Nehru. The heroic story
of Dr. Kotnis in the service of the Chinese people and in the cause of
India-China friendship was thus a wonderful imperialistic attack on your
freedom and independence. Marshal Zhu De stressed this anti-imperialist
solidarity in his letter when he stated that the Chinese were “fighting
the battle of Asia…Our Struggle is your struggle.” On her part China had extended strong support to India’s struggle for independence from Britain. China pleaded with the allied powers for granting freedom for India. The leaders, the press and the people of China expressed their, support to India’s movement for Independence under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. When Nehru was arrested by the British the Chinese Communist Party, in a joint telegram to him, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlal, Ye Jianying and other Chinese leaders said: “The Chinese people have been grateful for your warm kindness in campaigning for support for their cause of war against Japan. We deeply believe that you the national leaders who have been struggling for the Indian people’s liberation will soon be released and carry on your struggle now that all the people of India and the progressive personalities of the world are demanding your freedom.” It
was this anti-imp0erialist solidarity, this concern for Asia liberation
and world peace that expressed itself in our respective international
policies after Indian independence in 1947 and China’s Liberation in
1949. That India was the second and not the first country to announce
diplomatic recognition to new China was only because U Nu of Burma
conveyed to Nehru that his country would like to be the first to announce
its recognition. Today all of us look back upon the 1950s as some sort of
golden age in Sino-Indian relations. It was the period when the Five
Principles of Peaceful Coexistence were proclaimed jointly by our two
countries which have now been accepted as the just and correct basic for
regulating relations among nations. Premier Zhou Enlal’s visit to India
in 1954 and Nehru’s visit to China the same year, and the cooperation
between them at the Banding Conference in 1955 exercised a distinctly new
influence on Asian-African as well as international relations. Writing
in July 1954 Nehru observed: “The coming together of India and China, in
spite of their differences, was a major event in Asia and perhaps even for
the world.” The leaders of China, I believe, had the same perception.
However, it was a period when the cold was breathing its hot air on both
India and China. Nehru once gave expression to his feeling that the coming
together of India China was not to the liking of the great powers. It is
interesting to recall that many years earlier Rabindranth Tagore with his
poetic insight into politics observed that as China’s strength grows and
“when such a great strength as this obtains possession of the vehicle of
the modern age-that is when it obtains mastery over science-then what
force will stop it…So it is with good reason that the nations who enjoy
wealth and abundance are afraid of the evolution of China and attempt to
hold her back.” Perhaps that approach prevailed to some extent with
regard to India also which was the second populous country in the world
and to the relations between to two countries in the colonial as well as
in the cold war period. The world has now happily come out of that era and
today it is up to us to determine our own destinies and raising our
relationship in a world that is essentially pluralist and peaceful, not in
any narrow and exclusive manner, but in full and free cooperation with all
the nations of Asia, Africa, Europe and America. Before
I leave the age of cold war that is no more, let me recall a small but
meaningful event of that time. As we know China was kept out of the United
Nations during that period. I happen to have come across in the writings
of Nehru that at the China was kept out of the United Nations during that
period, I happen to have come across in the writings of Nehru that at the
10th anniversary of the United at San Francisco in 1955 the
question of China taking its place in the U.N. was discussed. In his
latter to the Chief Ministers of Indian States dated 20th July
1955 Nehru wrote: “Informally suggestions have been made Security
Council. We cannot, of course, accept this as it means ralling out with
China and it would be very unfair for a great country like China not to be
in the Security Council. We have, therefore, made it clear to those who
suggested this that we cannot agree to this suggestion.
We have even gone a little further and said that India is not
anxious to enter the Security Council at this stage, even though as a
great country she ought to be there. The first step to be taken is for
China to take her rightful place, and then the question of India might be
considered separately”. This is relevant today when the question of the
expansion of the Security Council is on the international agenda to
provide adequate representation to the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin
America. The
cold was had clouded and distorted the vision of most countries in the
world. Now that we are out of it we have responsibility to play a new
role. In the discussions with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on December 21,
1988 His Excellency Deng Xiaoping said: “China and India share a common
responsibility to mankind”. China has today forged ahead in economic
development in a spectacular manner. It is one of the most important and
dynamic economies of the world thanks to its audacious but careful
experiment in “Socialist market economy”. We look upon this
development with admiration. India too has been pursuing a bold policy of
opening up and liberalisation of its economy under the leadership of Prime
Minister Narasimha Rao. During the brief period of three years it has
yielded substantial results and attracted the attention of the world. The
policy is to provide free play to productive forces and to
entrepreneurship, open up to the world, attract foreign investment, remove
bureaucratic shackles system with special emphasis on the needs of the
masses and the demands of social justice. At
this new exciting stage of the economic development of our two countries
there is great scope for us to exchange experiences, learn from each other
and engage in cooperation on a scale that is unprecedented. In the
thousands of years of our friendship and cooperation, cultural and
political dimensions had dominated our relations. It is time we put some
concrete and substantial economic scientific-technological content into
our historic relationship. During the last few years we have explored
seriously and quite comprehensively the prospects of economic cooperation.
Our trade is now reaching one billion dollar ark. But at all this is not
enough considering the size and the population of our two countries and
our capabilities and potentialities. In my view greater priority has to be
placed on the development of economic relations. That would be of benefit
to both our countries, to the Third World and also to the development
countries which are goaded by the lure of our immense and expanding
markets. May
I be permitted to quote again from His Excellency Deng Xiaoping. In
December 1988 he observed during his conversation with the late Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi: “In
recent years there has been comment about the next Century being the Asia
Pacific Century…I do not agree with this view point…Even if the far
eastern region of the Soviet Union and western part of the United States
and Canada are included, their population still comes to only about 3000
million, whereas the combined population of our two countries is 1.8
billion. If China and India fail to develop, it cannot be called an Asian
Century”. This is the responsibility that we owe to Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation. Can the next Century be that of the Asia Pacific
without the now fast developing India with its 900 million people?” Mr.
President, I have had the privilege of coming to China for the first time
in 1976. I was the first Ambassador of India here after a lapse of 15
years. I recollect that on presenting my credentials to the then
Vice-Chairman of the National People’s Congress, I handed over to him
the letter of Recall of my predecessor, Mr. G. Parthasarathi, saying that
there has been slight delay of 15 years in sending that Letter of Recall.
I added that perhaps 15 years were a very short time in history of the
2000 years of India-China relationship. I am glad to say that since 1976
our relations have developed gradually but steadily, gathering in the last
few years a new momentum. High level exchanges have been taking place in
rapid succession. In 1979 the then Foreign Minister of India, Mr. Atal
Bihari Vajpayee, came to China. In 1988 the late prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi visited, opening a new chapter in our relations, particularly
official visit in 1992. The present Prime Minister, Mr. Narasimha Rao,
visited China in September 1993 when severeal cooperation agreements
including the important Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement were
signed. From China also important personalities and delegations have
visited India including His Excellency the Prime Minister Mr. Li Peng, the
Foreign Minister and the Minister of Defence. May I recall here that even
in the most difficult days the leaders of our two countries have held
before them the vision of friendship and cooperation between India and
China. On October 24, 1962 Premier Zhou Enlai wrote to Prime Minister
Nehru: “I think we should look ahead and we should take measures to turn
the tide”. And Nehru wrote in response on October 27, 1962: “I agree
with you that…we should look ahead…and make a serious attempt to
restore the relations between India and China to the warm and friendly
pattern of earlier days and even improve upon that pattern.” During
the last few years both our countries have been engaged in serious
attempts to develop our relations over a wide field-economic, cultural,
technological, political and international. It is my perception, Mr.
President, that India-China friendship and cooperation could be a notable
feature of the 21st Century. It is a new world in which we are
living, a world that is basically multi-polar and pluralist, a world in
which there is a new system of modern states in this ancient continent of
Asia, and in which the centre of politics and economics has been shifting
to Asia and the Asia-Pacific. It is a favourable environment in which
India and China can cooperate with each other, not in any sort of narrow
and exclusive relationship, but in the context of world cooperation and
world peace, and in accordance with the Five Principle and the principles
of non-alignment and peaceful coexistence. Mr.
President and distinguished friends. I understand that the Fudan
University was name after a saying from a Confucian classic which reads :- “Brilliant are the sunlight and moonlight, Again
the morning glory after a night”. I can see the streaks
of the morning glory in the estern sky. Rabindranath Tagore said in one of
his poem : “In front lies the Ocean of Peace. Into that ocean of peace, my friends, let us launch our boats.” |
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1998 Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New DelhiAll rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without written permission of the publisher.
Published in 1998 by
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